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Barakat did not respond to ARD's inquiries concerning the matter in question. The ARD editorial team made several attempts to reach Guerrero.

Neither the player himself nor his management nor the Peruvian Football Association responded. You have to take it three times a day. For breakfast, lunch and dinner", tells the doctor.

Instructions to a patient he had only just met. The print reporter filmed the entire encounter with a hidden camera and later shared the footage with the ARD investigative team.

A disciplinary proceeding was initiated against the doctor, but the investigations were never concluded. To this day, Dr. Barakat has not been penalised.

Responding to ARD's inquiries, the medical council explained that the investigation is still ongoing. According to the regulatory body, it's not unusual for these kinds of proceedings to last up to five years.

These findings call to mind a similar case exposed by ARD reporters in Already at the time of last year's research, Alves was being investigated by the Brazilian authorities.

However, he is still treating patients today. The ARD team had little problem booking an appointment at his clinic.

It remains unclear why he is still allowed to practice. Inquiries about the case with the public prosecutor's office yielded no response.

According to official statements, the investigation is being continued by another judicial body. Further queries throw into doubt whether Alves will ever be punished for his wrongdoing.

In no other country are there more doping cases in football than in Brazil. Seventeen official cases in a single year.

A regrettable record for Brazil who lead the way in this bracket ahead of Italy, Iran and Malta.

The national team is not immune to such doping cases. One of the players on the current World Cup squad recently served his own doping ban.

In , midfielder Fred tested positive for the banned drug hydrochlorothiazide. This substance, a diuretic that aids water loss, keeps appearing in doping tests.

Diuretics are prohibited, because they can mask the use of anabolic steroids by flushing out the substances from the body more quickly.

A great many cities were taken. On the Catalaunian Plains, not far from the city of Metz, which they had taken, the Huns were cut down in battle with the aid of God and defeated by general Aetius and King Theoderic, who had made a peace treaty with each other.

The darkness of night interrupted the fighting. King Theoderic was laid low there and died. Almost , men are said to have fallen in that battle.

This war, he announced as a guardian of Roman friendship, he would wage only against the Goths. But when he had crossed the Rhine and many Gallic cities had experienced his savage attacks, both our people and the Goths soon agreed to oppose with allied forces the fury of their proud enemies.

And Aetius had such great foresight that, when fighting men were hurriedly collected from everywhere, a not unequal force met the opposing multitude.

Although the slaughter of all those who died there was incalculable — for neither side gave way — it appears that the Huns were defeated in this battle because those among them that survived lost their taste for fighting and turned back home.

Here trusting in lord Peter the apostle himself patrician Aetius proceeded against him, he would fight with the help of God.

Attila fled into the greater Gauls. There, he inflicted and suffered defeat and then withdrew to his homeland.

While Theodosius and Valentinian, the Augusti, were emperors, Attila, from the race of the Gepid Huns, marched against Rome and Constantinople with a multitude of many tens of thousands.

He notified Valentinian, the emperor of Rome, through a Gothic ambassador, "Attila, my master and yours, orders you through me to make ready the palace for him.

Aetius, the first man of senatorial rank in Rome, heard the excessive daring of Attila's desperate response and went off to Alaric in Gaul, who was an enemy of Rome because of Honorius.

He urged him to join him in standing against Attila, since he had destroyed many Roman cities. They unexpectedly launched himself against him as he was bivouacked near the Danubios river, and cut down his many thousands.

Alaric, wounded by a saggita in the engagement, died. Attila died similarly, carried off by a nasal hemorrhage while he slept at night with his Hunnic concubine.

It was suspected that this girl killed him. The very wise Priscus the Thracian wrote about this war. Jordanes reports the number of dead from this battle as ,, excluding the casualties of the Franco-Gepid skirmish previous to the main battle.

Hydatius , a historian who lived at the time of Attila's invasion, reports the number of , dead. It is ultimately Jordanes' writing that leads to the difference in opinions in modern interpretations of the battle's outcome.

In the traditional account, modern scholars take a very direct interpretation of Jordanes, although usually with various points of contention.

Modern scholars tend to agree that the battle took place on a long ridge, not a plain with a hill to one side.

This way Attila could pin down the center with the disorganized Hunnic style of warfare, while the majority of his troops focused on breaking one or both of the enemy flanks.

However, Hughes argues that the Romans were expecting this, which is why he placed the Alans in the center of the formation, who were skilled cavalrymen and had advanced knowledge of how to fight alongside the Roman style of warfare.

Jordanes' description of the battle, according to Hughes, takes place from the Roman perspective. Attila's forces arrived on the ridge first, on the far right side, before the Visigoths could take that position.

Then Aetius' Romans arrived on the left side of the ridge, and repulsed the Gepids as they came up. Finally the Alans and the Visigoths under Thorismund fought their way up and secured the center of the ridge, holding it against Attila.

MacDowall, for example, places Thorismund on the far right of the battlefield. It is at this point that Thorismund located Attila's position in the Hunnic battle line, and attacked the Hunnic center, nearly slaying Attila himself and forcing the Hunnic center to retreat.

Both armies fell into confusion as darkness descended, and neither side knew the outcome of the battle until the following morning.

After the battle, the allies decided what to do next, and resolved to place Attila under siege for a few days while they discussed the matter. Aetius allegedly persuaded both Thorismund and the Goths, and the Franks as well, to leave the battle and return home.

Hughes argues that since the Franks were fighting a civil war in the Battle, and Thorismund had five brothers who could usurp his new-found position as king, that it is likely Aetius did advise them to do so.

It has been suggested by Hyun Jin Kim that the entire battle is a play on the Battle of Marathon , with the Romans being the Plateans on the left, the Alans the weak Athenian center, and the Goths the Athenian regulars on the right, with Theodoric as Miltiades and Thorismund as Callimachus.

The return home by the Goths to secure Thorismund's throne is the same as the return to Athens to protect it from sedition and the Persian Navy.

However, other authors consider the battle to have been indecisive. This latter view is rather widely accepted, although the outcome remains in disagreement as a whole.

Kim's suggestion of Jordanes paralleling Herodotus has been noted by prior scholarship. Franz Altheim drew a parallel between the Catalaunian Fields and Salamis, and thought that the battle narrative was completely fabricated.

Both armies consisted of combatants from many peoples. Besides the Roman troops, the Alans, and the Visigoths, Jordanes lists Aetius' allies as including the Francii , Sarmatae , Armoriciani , Liticiani, Burgundiones , Saxones , Riparii , and Olibrones whom he describes as "once Roman soldiers and now the flower of the allied forces" , as well as "other Celtic or German tribes.

A sense of the size of the actual Roman army may be found in the study of the Notitia Dignitatum by A. The Notitia Dignitatum lists 58 various regular units, and 33 limitanei serving either in the Gallic provinces or on the frontiers nearby; the total of these units, based on Jones' analysis, is 34, for the regular units and 11, for the limitanei , or just under 46, all told.

However, this figure is an estimate for the years — and one that constantly changes with new research. The loss of Africa resulted in the loss of funding for 40, infantry and 20, cavalry in the Roman army, in addition to previous losses, which was enough to permanently cripple Roman military capacity after AD.

Elton gives the same figures in but estimates the cost of maintaining an army of , at 31, lbs. He say there were also other un quantifiable military costs such as defenses installations, equipment, boats, ships expensive , artillery, ammunition, military supplies, paper, animals and handlers, Hugh Elton, Warfare in Roman Europe Ad.

The real costs may have been double. If so million solidi would have paid for a defense force of , soldiers including mercenary expenses in the West not 30, which puts the cost at 96 solidi per soldier an impossibly high figure from what is known of Roman defense costs though of course the numbers would have been spread throughout what was left of the Western Empire.

Jordanes' list for Attila's allies includes the Gepids under their king Ardaric , as well as an army of various Gothic groups led by the brothers Valamir , Theodemir the father of the later Ostrogothic king Theodoric the Great and Widimer , scions of the Amali Goths.

Thompson expresses his suspicions that some of these names are drawn from literary traditions rather than from the event itself:.

The Bastarnae, Bructeri, Geloni and Neuri had disappeared hundreds of years before the time of the Huns, while the Bellonoti had never existed at all: On the other hand, Thompson believes that the presence of Burgundians on the Hunnic side is credible, noting that a group is documented remaining east of the Rhine; likewise, he believes that the other peoples Sidonius mentions the Rugians , Scirii , and Thuringians were participants in this battle.

Thompson remarks in a footnote, "I doubt that Attila could have fed an army of even 30, men. The Hunnish king Octar was defeated by a force of Neckar Burgundians who would later come under Hun subjugation, and Heather estimates that both the Gepids and the Amali Goths could have each fielded a maximum of 15, men at the Battle of Nedao in This is somewhat supported by the Chronicon Paschale which preserves an extremely abbreviated and garbled fragment of Priscus' account of the campaign, stating that Attila's forces numbered in the tens of thousands.

The combined forces of the federates would have been far greater in number than Aetius' own Roman army, which had become much smaller by this time.

Assuming that the Hunnic and Germanic forces were roughly the same size as the Roman and federate army, those involved in the battle could be in excess of , combatants in total.

This excludes the inevitable servants and camp followers who usually escape mention in the primary sources.

The actual location of the Catalaunian Fields has long been considered unclear. Simon Macdowall in his Osprey title proposed the battle took place at Montgueux just west of Troyes.

Girard, who was able to identify Maurica as the "les Maures" ridge of Montgueux, based on the second Additamenta Altera to Prosper's Epitoma Chronicon , which states it took place five Roman miles from Tecis or Tricasses , the modern Troyes.

The road in the region is known as the "Voie des Maures", and the base of the ridge is known as "l'enfer" to the locals.

A small stream near the battlefield that runs to Troyes is known as "la Riviere de Corps" to this day. It is still not known whether or not the find is related to the battle.

The immediate and long-term effects of the Battle of the Catalaunian Fields are somewhat disputed. Attila returned to invade the Western Roman Empire in , which was more successful than his invasion of Gaul.

After a 3-month siege of Aquileia , arranged by Aetius in the hopes it would use up his whole campaigning season, Attila razed the city and ravaged the Po Valley.

Aetius, without aid from the federates in Gaul and without the military capacity to stop Attila on his own, sent an embassy consisting of Pope Leo I , Trygetius, and Gennadius Avienus to broker a treaty with Attila.

Attila ultimately retreated from Italy due to the local famine and disease within his army. In Gaul, the effects were somewhat more significant.

Hughes argues that their assistance at the Catalaunian Plains led the Goths to destroy the Alans and besiege Orleans, believing that they had not been adequately rewarded for their service.

In turn, this led to further concessions to the Goths from Aetius after Thorismund's assassination by his brother, who was amicable to the Romans.

He thinks this may have been the point at which the Goths gained the same status of an independent kingdom that Gaiseric had. He argues that it ultimately led to the victory of Childeric and the Franks over the Goths, the Roman comes Paul who had replaced Aegidius , and Odoacer , who returned to the Danube.

This set the Franks up for dominance in Gaul and put Odoacer back in power as king of the Scirii. Tackholm makes a distinct note of the increasing prominence of the battle in Gothic history.

He shows that contemporary sources state the battle was inconclusive and give credit to Aetius, while later sources cast the battle as a Gothic victory and a major point of Gothic pride.

The most important effect of the battle is usually considered to be its impact on long-term Hunnic hegemony in Europe, of which there are differing opinions.

The Battle of the Catalaunian Plains is given its first modern historical perspective by Edward Gibbon, who called it the last victory achieved in the name of the Western Roman Empire.

Gibbon noted that it was from his enemies we hear of his terrible deeds, not from friendly chroniclers, emphasizing that the former had no reason to elevate Attila's reign of terror, but of proving Attila to be defeatable.

The name of the Huns ceased for some centuries to inspire terror in Western Europe, and their ascendancy passed away with the life of the great king by whom it had been so fearfully augmented.

John Julius Norwich , a historian known for his works on Venice and on Byzantium, somewhat reiterates Creasy, saying of the battle of Chalons:.

It should never be forgotten that in the summer of and again in , the whole fate of western civilization hung in the balance.

Had the Hunnish army not been halted in these two successive campaigns, had its leader toppled Valentinian from his throne and set up his own capital at Ravenna or Rome, there is little doubt that both Gaul and Italy would have been reduced to spiritual and cultural deserts.

Modern authors have mostly moved away from this viewpoint though, some categorizing it as a battle that broke the myth of Hunnish invincibility.

No single nation dominated either side; rather, two alliances met and fought in surprising coordination for the time. Meghan McEvoy also believes that the successful construction and utilization of the federates in Gaul was a testament to Aetius' diplomatic and administrative skills, as well as the influence of his military success.

After he secured the Rhine, Attila moved into central Gaul and put Orleans under siege. Had he gained his objective, he would have been in a strong position to subdue the Visigoths in Aquitaine, but Aetius had put together a formidable coalition against the Hun.

Working frenetically, the Roman leader had built a powerful alliance of Visigoths, Alans and Burgundians, uniting them with their traditional enemy, the Romans, for the defense of Gaul.

Even though all parties to the protection of the Western Roman Empire had a common hatred of the Huns, it was still a remarkable achievement on Aetius' part to have drawn them into an effective military relationship.

Even Hyun Jin Kim, who argues for a Hunnish victory, thinks that the battle had a major outcome on the future of Roman Gaul.

First, he debunks the claims that it was a religious and cultural victory over the Huns of Central Asia. He also believes that it set up the career of Odoacer , who would later found his own Kingdom in Italy after deposing the last Western Roman Emperor and submitting to Constantinople.

Bury expresses a quite different judgement:. The battle of Maurica was a battle of nations, but its significance has been enormously exaggerated in conventional history.

It cannot in any reasonable sense be designated as one of the critical battles of the world. The Gallic campaign had really been decided by the strategic success of the allies in cutting off Attila from Orleans.

The battle was fought when he was in full retreat, and its value lay in damaging his prestige as an invincible conqueror, in weakening his forces, and in hindering him from extending the range of his ravages.

This assessment is also corroborated by Hughes, Bachrach, and Kim, all of whom argue that the real turning point of the invasion of Gaul was the successful defense of Orleans.

Bury also considers that as a whole, the Battle of the Catalaunian Plains would not have seriously altered history had it been a Hunnish victory:.

If Attila had been victorious, if he had defeated the Romans and the Goths at Orleans, if he had held Gaul at his mercy and had translated — and we have no evidence that this was his design — the seat of his government and the abode of his people from the Theiss to the Seine or the Loire, there is no reason to suppose that the course of history would have been seriously altered.

For the rule of the Huns in Gaul could only have been a matter of a year or two; it could not have survived here, any more than it survived in Hungary, the death of the great king, on whose brains and personal character it depended.

Without depreciating the achievement of Aetius and Theoderic we must recognise that at worst the danger they averted was of a totally different order from the issues which were at stake on the fields of Plataea and the Metaurus.

If Attila had succeeded in his campaign, he would probably have been able to compel the surrender of Honoria , and if a son had been born of their marriage and proclaimed Augustus in Gaul, the Hun might have been able to exercise considerable influence on the fortunes of that country; but that influence would probably not have been anti-Roman.

But he also considers that the Battle of the River Nedao was far more consequential to European history than the Battle of the Catalaunian Plains, a view also shared by many modern authors.

Kim argues that the Huns were instrumental in triggering the evolution of medieval Europe during the early migration era by the introduction of East Asian, Central Asian, and Iranian cultural and societal practices, which agrees with Bury that the outcome of the battle would not have turned Europe into a cultural desert.

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